By Michael Rowe (eds.)
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Additional info for Collaboration and Resistance in Napoleonic Europe: State-formation in an Age of Upheaval, c. 1800–1815
38 A notary in the Var concurred, employing the classical allusions and Latin terms that came so easily to educated commentators: ‘The favourite of Mars and the colleague of Minerva! The terror of Europe and the friend of France! Bonaparte! Good God! May your will preserve him. ’39 Indeed, especially in the capital, many participants expressed the hope that Bonaparte would be able, even obliged, to nominate his successor. This further step in the direction of personal rule had already been mooted in governing circles and was duly appended to the Constitution in August 1802 soon after the plebiscite had been concluded.
14 If the events seem commonplace enough, the reaction to them was not, and amply demonstrated the problems of having a mayor with no feelings for the local community. There is no question that the authorities understood the social problems they were dealing with. 15 But that did not prevent him from adopting a hard, even alarmist line in his accounts of the subsequent rioting. It was the mayor, not the prefect, who asked for troops to be sent to restore order; and it was again the mayor who, instead of defending the citizenry, demanded the exemplary punishment of the ringleaders.
Of similar significance is Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skopcol (eds), Bringing the State Back in (Cambridge, 1985). ), Power Elites and State Building (Oxford, 1996). ), An Imperial State at War. Britain from 1689 to 1815 (London and New York, 1994), pp. 33–51. Most of the above statistics are taken from Clive Emsley, Napoleonic Europe (London and New York, 1993). The exception is the figure for the Grand 18 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 Michael Rowe Duchy of Warsaw, which is quoted from Czubaty’s contribution below; and the figures for the Confederation of the Rhine states, which are taken from John H.