By Isabelle Bril
This collective quantity explores clause-linkage innovations in a cross-linguistic viewpoint with higher emphasis on subordination. half I provides a few theoretical reassessment of syntactic terminologies and certain standards for subordination, in addition to typological equipment in accordance with units of variables and records permitting cross-linguistic comparison. half II bargains with concepts concerning to clause-chaining, conjunctive conjugations, converbial buildings, masdars. half III facilities at the interplay among the syntax, pragmatics, and semantics of clause-linking and subordination. Read more...
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Extra resources for Clause linking and clause hierarchy : syntax and pragmatics
Foley not spread). When the subjects between the clauses are different, negation in the final clause can never have scope over the preceding medial clauses: (18) a. ’ b. ’ This differential behavior of negation in Tauya is in sharp contrast to illocutionary force, which although marked on the final verb is an I feature which always has a reading in which it has scope over the whole series of coordinated constituents (although other readings are also possible: see example (2a) and discussion thereafter).
This raises serious questions about its viability as a theoretical construct. The notion of cosubordination was developed in the early 1980s, well before the rise of a rich theory of functional categories like I and their projections. These innovations, particularly the notion of I and its projection IP, actually are quite central to the revised theory of nexus we will present here. In Lexical Functional Grammar (Bresnan 2001) there is a distinction between lexical categories, noun, verb, adposition, etc.
Essentially, this makes the subordinate clause an island: neither can its features percolate up to the level of the matrix clause nor can the I features of the matrix clause move down into it through the mismatching NP node. This accounts for the oft noted fact that subordinate clauses are typically impervious to the illocutionary force of their matrix clauses; they are usually presupposed statements. Having said this, some putative subordinate clauses in English and presumably other languages seem to contradict this claim.