By John McCartney
In a scientific survey of the manifestations and which means of Black strength in the USA, John McCartney analyzes the ideology of the Black energy stream within the Sixties and areas it within the context of either African-American and Western political concept. He demonstrates, notwithstanding an exploration of old antecedents, how the Black energy as opposed to black mainstream festival of the sixties was once no longer exact in American heritage. Tracing the evolution of black social and political hobbies from the 18th century to the current, the writer specializes in the information and activities of the leaders of every significant approach.Starting with the colonization efforts of the Pan-Negro Nationalist circulate within the 18th century, McCartney contrasts the paintings of Bishop Turner with the opposing integrationist perspectives of Frederick Douglass and his fans. McCartney examines the politics of lodging espoused via Booker T. Washington; W.E.B. Du Bois's competition to this apolitical stance; the formation of the NAACP, the city League, and different integrationist organisations; and Marcus Garvey's reawakening of the separatist perfect within the early twentieth century. targeting the serious felony job of the NAACP from the Nineteen Thirties to the Sixties, McCartney offers vast remedy to the ethical and political management of Martin Luther King, Jr., and his problem from the Black strength stream in 1966.
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Extra info for Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought
The Ideology of the Colonization Movement Neither the ideology nor the tactics of the Pan-Negro Nationalists can be understood unless we reemphasize and expand on three premises that underlay the Colonization Movement. First, the Pan-Negro Nationalists insisted that as long as African-Americans remain a minority in the United States they will never attain equality. "37 Blyden's views in this regard are typical. Second , the PanNegro Nationalists believed that even if black-white parity could be achieved in the United States, such parity is far less desirable than Copyrighted Material 22 CHAPTER II African-American self-determination in a black nation.
These include the sociological and institutional (Elkins), the historical and political (Moore) , the psychological (Hoetnik), the racial determinist (Stoner and Muhammad), and finally, the ideological (Knowles and Prewitt). This seems to suggest that the reason for the failure of policy may be multicausal, with the various causes reinforcing one another. As an example of this multicausality and reinforcement, one sees in Prewitt and Knowles the logic that the ideology of white racial superiority present from the beginning in the white man 's dealings with nonwhites has created a psychology of racism that has continued to taint white and nonwhite dealings.
27 The Messianic zeal with which the Pan-Negro Nationalists insisted on separate black development was touched on in the last chapter; now with the Abolitionists we see an equally fanatical assertion that the American system can be made to work for all people. 28 In contrast to their clarity of philosophy and goals, the Abolitionists were terribly unclear about the means by which their aims were to be achieved. For example, the AAS spoke about the need to use political action to attain its goals, but its members were confused about what "political action" actually entailed.