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Aspects of Split Ergativity by Jessica Coon

By Jessica Coon

In languages with aspect-based cut up ergativity, one component of the grammar follows an ergative development, whereas one other indicates a "split." during this e-book, Jessica Coon argues that aspectual break up ergativity doesn't mark a break up in how case is assigned, yet really, a cut up in sentence constitution. particularly, the contexts during which we discover the looks of a nonergative development in an in a different way ergative language contain additional structure--a disassociation among the syntactic predicate and the stem sporting the lexical verb stem.

The e-book starts off with an research of break up individual marking styles in Chol, a Mayan language of southern Mexico. the following visual appeal of break up ergativity follows evidently from the truth that the revolutionary and the imperfective morphemes are verbs, whereas the perfective morpheme isn't. the truth that the nonperfective morphemes are verbs, mixed with autonomous houses of Chol grammar, leads to the looks of a split.

This ebook extra surveys aspectual splits in quite a few unrelated languages and gives a proof for the common directionality of cut up ergativity: in splits, ergativity is often retained within the perfective point. Following Laka's (2006) thought for Basque, Coon proposes that the cross-linguistic tendency for imperfective facets to trend with locative buildings is chargeable for the biclausality which explanations the looks of a nonergative trend. development on Demirdache and Uribe-Etxebarria's (2000) prepositional account of spatiotemporal family members, Coon proposes that the perfective is rarely periphrastic--and hence by no means includes a split--because there isn't any preposition in ordinary language that accurately captures the relation of the assertion time to the event time denoted by means of the perfective point.

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D. Tyi a-ch’il-i ja`as. ’ ˜ jini ˜ wakax. e. ’ ˜ me`. jini f. 22) The same transitive roots do not appear with vowel suffixes in the nonperfective aspects. Instead, transitive roots in the nonperfective aspects form stems with either no suffix or the suffix -e`, glossed “DEP” for “dependent (embedded) clause suffix” and discussed in chapter 4. , in the absence of Set B morphology). Just as in the perfective, transitive subjects are marked Set A, and objects are marked Set B. 6. The suffix vowel is identical to the vowel of the root except for some forms involving a root vowel [a].

7 (9) APPLICATIVES a. Tyi k-mel-b-e waj alob. ’ n waj alob. b. Mi k-mel-b-e˜ IMPF A 1-make-APPL-D . ’ c. Tyi k-mel-e waj ( cha`an˜ alob ). ’ (10) CAUSATIVES a. Tyi y-ujty-is-¨a. ’ 7. The Proto-Mayan applicative is proposed to be *-b’e (see Mora-Mar´ın 2003 and ´ works cited therein). I follow V´azquez Alvarez (2001) in parsing out these forms into applicative and status suffixes, -b-e and -b-e˜n, to show the uniform morphological behavior of derived/nonroot transitives, though nothing below hinges on this.

POSITIONAL ˜ Tyi buch-li-yon. ’ (18) NONPERFECTIVES a. TRANSITIVE ˜ Chonkol k-ch’il-e` tyumuty. ’ 11. Like some other intransitives, positional stems are “ambivalent,” in that they may also appear in unergative constructions (Guti´errez S´anchez 2004). This is discussed in chapter 3. MAYAN BACKGROUND AND CLAUSE STRUCTURE [ 35 ] b. NONROOT TRANSITIVE Mi k-il-a˜ n aj-Maria. IMPF A 1-see-D . ’ c. INTRANSITIVE Mi k-ts’¨am-el tyi ja`. ’ d. POSITIONAL ˜ Chonkol k-buch-ty¨al. PROG A 1-seated-POS. ’ We can generalize that all perfective stems terminate in a vowel or vowelfinal suffix, proposed below to instantiate v0 ; nonperfective stems lack these.

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