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Argument licensing and agreement by Claire Halpert

By Claire Halpert

The strikingly unrestricted syntactic distribution of nouns in lots of Bantu languages usually ends up in proposals that syntactic case doesn't play an energetic function within the grammar of Bantu. This booklet deals a distinct end that the root of Zulu that Bantu languages haven't just a method of structural case, but additionally a fancy procedure of morphological case that's akin to structures present in languages like Icelandic. by way of evaluating the method of argument licensing present in Zulu to these present in extra popular languages, Halpert introduces a few insights onto the association of the grammar.

First, whereas this e-book argues in want of a case-licensing research of Zulu, it locates the positions the place case is assigned reduce within the clause than what's present in nominative-accusative languages. moreover, Zulu indicates proof that case and contract are designated operations within the language, situated on assorted heads and working independently of one another. regardless of those unfamiliarities, there's facts that the timing relationships among operations reflect these present in different languages. moment, this publication proposes a singular kind of morphological case that serves to masks many structural licensing results in Zulu; the consequences of this example are surprising, Halpert argues that its lifestyles is anticipated given the present typological photo of case. eventually, this ebook explores the implications of case and contract as dissociated operations, exhibiting that given this example, different strange homes of Bantu languages, equivalent to hyper-raising, are a typical end result. This exploration yields the belief that a few of the more odd houses of Bantu languages actually end result from small quantities of edition to deeply general syntactic rules similar to case, contract, and the EPP.

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5)) 8. Note that in all of these constructions, the verb does not agree with the subject Sipho; rather, class 17 ku- agreement appears instead. his lack of agreement is evidence that the subject is necessarily inside vP in all of these constructions, and not in a rightdislocated position. A-MOVEMENT AND PHI [ 25 ] “02_Halpert_c02” — 2015/8/24 — 14:44 — page 26 — #17 (16) ngi- mem- e wonke umuntu, kodwa... ’ a. 1John only 1s- arrive- pfv b. ’ (Zeller, 2008, ex. (37)) hese subjects it into the class of identiicational focus subjects that Buell (2009) describes as having rigid word order with respect to adjuncts.

In this section, I examine another type of construction in which we ind optionality with respect to the position of the subject and in which subject position has consequences for agreement: bi-clausal raising constructions, which we irst saw at the beginning of chapter 1. In these constructions, the thematic subject of an embedded clause can optionally appear in an A-position in the matrix clause—either as a vP-external matrix subject in raising-to-subject (RtS) constructions, or as a vP-internal matrix object in raising-to-object (RtO) constructions.

Identiicational focus is not required for vP-internal subjects, however; Buell (2005) identiies circumstances in which a subject can appear inside vP when it is not focused. In the following inversion constructions, for example, the low subject does not necessarily receive a focus interpretation. he example in (31) illustrates quotative inversion, where a quotation is fronted with expletive agreement on the verb and the subject remains inside vP. ” Kw- a- buza uSipho. ’ (Buell, 2005, ex. (269)) Nkabinde (1985), Buell (2007), and Zeller (2010) document additional inversion constructions in Zulu, where locative and instrument arguments appear in the canonical subject position, while the subject remains inside vP: (32) Locative inversion a.

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