By Pnina Werbner
Anthropology and the hot Cosmopolitanism breaks new floor in theorizing the function of social anthropology as a self-discipline that engages with the ethical, fiscal, criminal and political differences and dislocations of a globalizing global. The book's significant innovation is to teach the way in which cosmopolitans past the North--in Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Malaysia, India, Africa, the center East and Mexico--juggle universalist commitments with roots in neighborhood cultural milieus and specific groups. It introduces the reader to key debates surrounding cosmopolitanism within the social sciences, and is written in actual fact and accessibly for undergraduates in anthropology and similar matters.
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Extra resources for Anthropology and the New Cosmopolitanism: Rooted, Feminist and Vernacular Perspectives (Asa Monographs, 45)
2007), Southeast Asian and Paciﬁc Cosmopolitans: Self and Subject in Motion, London: Palgrave. Sahlins, Marshall (1976), Culture and Practical Reason, Chicago IL: Chicago University Press. —— (1999), ‘Two or Three Things I Know about Culture’, JRAI (incorporating Man), 5 (3): 399–422. – 28 – Introduction Stocking, George W. (1991), ‘Maclay, Kubari, Malinowski: Archetypes from the Dreamtime of Anthropology’, in George W. ), Colonial Situations: Essays on the Contextualization of Ethnographic Knowledge, pp.
They had little good to say of American anthropology, except that carried out by Chicago students of Radcliffe-Brown, and were especially dismissive of work labelled culture and personality. They were adamant that various British anthropologists who were not of the Malinowskian elite were unworthy of the name even though they might hold teaching positions in Britain itself and their ethnographic publications, at least to the outsider, compared well with those admitted to the canon. ‘He (or she) is not a social anthropologist’ were the damning words that consigned such persons to an inferior status.
Besides their cosmopolitan transcending of boundaries, the ﬁrst members of the Association had another thing in common. All, except myself, Radcliffe-Brown and Brenda Seligman, had sat as students in Malinowski’s seminar, and at least the latter two had known Malinowski. Subsequently Malinowski’s students may have revolted against him, but they still bore his mark. Whatever else they had read, and in comparison with their American contemporaries most of them had read little ethnography, they had all read Malinowski on the Trobriands.