By Jessica Greenberg
When scholar activists in Serbia helped topple dictator Slobodan Milosevic on October five, 2000, they unexpectedly chanced on that the post-revolutionary interval introduced even higher difficulties. How do you certainly stay and perform democracy within the wake of battle and the shadow of a up to date revolution? How do younger Serbians try and translate the strength and pleasure generated by way of extensive scale mobilization into the sluggish paintings of establishing democratic associations? Greenberg navigates during the ranks of pupil companies as they transition their activism from the streets again into the halls of the collage. In exploring the standard practices of scholar activists—their triumphs and frustrations—After the Revolution argues that sadness isn't a failure of democracy yet a basic function of ways humans dwell and perform it. This interesting publication develops a serious vocabulary for the social lifetime of sadness with the purpose of assisting electorate, students, and policymakers around the world get away the capture of framing new democracies as doomed to failure.
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Extra resources for After the Revolution: Youth, Democracy, and the Politics of Disappointment in Serbia
Here, the pensioners’ relationship to the state is redirected through their relationship to the young postman, who weaves and dodges to avoid them, propelled by a state with no money on one side and the desperation of an abandoned population on the other. The humor and pathos of Alek’s plight throws into relief his own dissatisfied labor practices, his unsatisfying present, and his potentially (since he, too, relies on the coffers of the state) insecure future. 9 Indeed, given the rise of precariousness, particularly among youth in European peripheries, young people’s experience of time and progress stands to change drastically (Mole 2011; Standing 2011).
Student activists thus had to constantly renegotiate how “a people comes into being in particularly situations labeled democracy” (Paley 2008, 10). ” Activist interactions with a multitude of interlocutors meant juggling contradictory roles in a context in which the meaning of representation was up for grabs on an ongoing basis. Indeed, students in the NTT training session were called on to practice role-playing to help them develop strategies to deal with accusations that they were not representative.
In Yugoslavia, the special role of young people was codified through legal and institutional regimes that recognized secondary and university students as unique and important political subjects in their own right (Carter 1982). Youth were granted the ability to self-organize, alongside other important social groups, such as workers. At the same time, countrywide celebrations of Youth Day (Dan Mladosti ) and the institution of Tito’s pioneers (pioniri) enforced the popular link between Tito as a leader and father figure and “his” youth (Bringa 2004).